The Beer Hall Putsch is also called the Ludendorff-Hitler Putsch. This name was given to the attempt to seize power undertaken by the veteran organization “Kampfbund” back in 1923 (November 9). This organization was then headed by National Socialist Hitler and General Ludendorff. The year 1923 became critical for Germany as the French occupied the Ruhr and a crisis erupted as a result. The social democratic government's swing from one extreme to another provoked a wave of attacks from communists and the right. Hitler's choice of allies fell on the right-wing conservative separatists who ruled Bavaria at that time.
They planned a joint action against the Berlin Social Democratic government. Hitler was inspired by the march on Rome, and he wanted to achieve a similar result with Berlin. But the Allies had some disagreements, and when the leaders of Bavaria refused to directly attack Berlin, Hitler took the entire initiative. He did not give up his intentions and decided to take von Kara hostage. It all started in the late afternoon of November 8 in Munich in the Bürgerbräukeller (a huge beer hall), where thousands of people gathered to listen to von Kahr speak. During the performance, stormtroopers cordoned off the hall, unnoticed by those present.
The exit from the street was blocked by machine guns. Hitler appeared in the hall and, having fired the first shot at the ceiling, announced the beginning of the revolution. Among his statements were the following demands: - the removal of the Bavarian government and the government of the Reich, - the formation of a provisional government of the Reich; - capture of the land police and Reichswehr barracks. Hitler received support from Ludendorff, a participant and hero of the First World War, and so Von Kahr, von Seisser and von Lossow agreed to take part in the campaign against Berlin. Hitler made new appointments: von Kahr - regent of Bavaria, Ludendorff - commander-in-chief of the German army, and Hitler himself - imperial chancellor. After the subsequent betrayal on the part of the newly minted “allies,” Ludendorff made a proposal to occupy the center, counting on the influence of his authority on the police and army. November 9 was the decisive day in this history of the coup. Nazis with swastikas marched in a column to the center of Munich at Marienplatz. They were led by Hitler, Goering and Ludendorff, and were joined in the square by Julius Streicher.
The police initially let them in, but stopped them at Odeonsplatz. A shootout began between a hundred police officers and three thousand Nazis. Some died, and the rest tried to escape, and Hitler with them. Ludendorff was arrested, and Rehm surrendered. Hitler did not receive popular support, and the putsch was suppressed. All the organizers (except Goering) were arrested and sentenced to varying degrees. They served their sentences in Landsberg.
Munich putsch
After an unsuccessful attempt to enter the Vienna Academy of Fine Arts, the death of his mother and defeat in the war, the failure of the 1923 putsch became the fourth event in the life of Adolf Hitler, which caused him severe moral trauma. Of the first three, the Fuhrer could only blame himself for one thing - he could not devote himself to architecture because he did not have a matriculation certificate. Subsequently, he admitted that he did not have the talent of a painter, but remained convinced that he could become a great architect. However, he explained his failure by the machinations of others - an unjust society, the Habsburg regime and, of course, the Jews were to blame. During the war years, he had a lot of time to think, and he came to the conclusion: all evil comes from hated internationalism. While he and others risked their lives in the war, anti-people forces were operating inside the country - Marxists and Jews, who pushed Germany into the mud and caused its military defeat.
Beginning with Pazevalk, a deep hatred of traitors matured in his soul, a desire to punish them and return the country to its rightful place. He wasn't the only one. Right-wing nationalists shared this aspiration: to dismantle the Versailles system and restore Germany to greatness. But, if there were no fundamental disagreements between these people, they differed significantly in understanding the means to achieve the goal and choosing the right moment.
The Munich Putsch was like lightning that illuminated a republic corroded by destructive centrifugal forces, and resembled a parody of revolution, with the goal of overthrowing the Reich government or launching a military campaign against the French occupiers in the Ruhr. To understand how and why the Munich Putsch broke out, it is necessary to analyze the situation at three different levels - the Berlin scene, Bavaria and the National Socialist Party led by its Fuhrer.
General situation
The occupation of the Ruhr by the French and Belgians on January 11, 1923 accelerated the economic, social, but mainly financial crisis of the Reich. In order to put pressure on Germany to pay the reparations debt, the President of the French Council, Raymond Poincaré, decided to occupy the Ruhr. German Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno, a non-partisan man, but enjoying the support of the “bourgeois coalition,” saw only one way out of this situation - “passive resistance,” that is, stopping production in the mining and metallurgical industries, and then completely stopping the payment of reparations (amounting to 132 billion gold stamps), declaring illegal all decrees issued by the occupiers, and prohibiting paying them duties and taxes. The French initiative did what neither the armistice, nor the Treaty of Versailles, nor the struggle for Upper Silesia in 1919 could achieve - it united the nation into a “holy alliance.” Even the so-called Weimar parties - liberals, centrists and social democrats - condemned the invader.
However, behind the united facade there were deep divisions that continued to cut off the left from all other parties. The syndicalists and socialists agreed to "passive resistance" only in order to erect a barrier to the growth of nationalism; The communists initially stuck to their previous line of behavior: break with bourgeois politics, force the rich to pay reparations and, with the help of the USSR, create a coalition workers' government. More specifically, they proposed a general strike. But, like the right, they were torn apart by internal differences, which Karl Radek, the “eye of Moscow” in Berlin, tried with great difficulty to reconcile. The party leaders put forward the slogan: “Beat Cuno on the Spree, and Poincaré on the Rhine.” The minority position was expressed by Clara Zetkin, a representative of the left wing of the party, a feminist and friend of Rosa Luxemburg: “Not tomorrow and not in the bright future, but today, in the battle with French imperialism and German capitalism, we defend the interests of a great nation with unshakable loyalty and tireless energy workers." At the same time, the CPD tried to win over to its side the petty-bourgeois elements from the reactionary and “fascist” parties - this term had just appeared and had great success. Attempts to establish contact with the French communists did not bring results, on the one hand, due to the lack of interest among French workers in the Ruhr, on the other, due to the fact that it was too difficult for German workers to fight a war on several fronts - in the name of the International, against French invaders and against daily needs.
But passive resistance should have taken the right and center movements much further, allowing them to finally move on to national revival, which would include strengthening military power. According to the Treaty of Versailles, the German army could number no more than 100 thousand people, but already in 1920, in addition to the regular troops, detachments of the “Black Reichswehr” began to be created. Their main initiator was General von Seeckt.
As the crisis spread in right-wing and ultra-right circles, as well as in the army, voices grew louder in favor of a dictatorship of one man or a directory. The military saw von Seeckt in this role, and a group of experts and industrialists in the role of his assistants. But the “Sphinx,” as he was called, sought to keep the Reichswehr out of politics, making it something of a state within a state.
Since the entry of Franco-Belgian troops into the Ruhr, the number of German troops has increased significantly thanks to loans opened as part of passive resistance. The army received 100 million gold marks and a loan of 300 million for the purchase of weapons in Italy. Volunteers were being trained, militant detachments were created that could intervene in the event of internal unrest; since 1923 they have become highly trained reserve units; Defense units were formed to resist invasion from Poland or Czechoslovakia. The German states were required to contribute to the financing of the troops. They reacted differently, depending on the political color of local governments. Prussia and Saxony, where Social Democrats ruled, refused; Bayern gave a positive response.
The majority of the population perceived defensive measures as a harbinger of a new war, also because cooperation between the regular army and illegal paramilitary units forced the army to enter the political arena. Von Seeckt received the leaders of the main patriotic movements - General Ludendorff and Hitler; Apparently, their extremism did not please him. But he flatly refused to meet with the former commander of the famous Baltic free detachment, Rosbach. Rosbach eventually ended up in Bavaria, just like Captain Erhardt, whose men were involved in the 1922 murder of Foreign Minister von Rathenau, having himself escaped from Leipzig prison before being interrogated. In September 1923, he commanded troops on the border of Bavaria and “red” Saxony.
The economic and financial situation was rapidly deteriorating. If at the beginning of 1919 inflation had its positive sides, making it possible to combat mass unemployment, now it has reached the point of no return. Passive resistance cost 3.5 billion marks. At the beginning of January 1923, 7,525 paper marks were given per dollar (the rate on August 4, 1914 was 4.2 marks per dollar); February 1 – 41,500 marks, July 1 – 160 thousand marks, August 1 – 1,102,750 marks, September 1 – 91,724,250 marks. Even the most daring speculators, who had made a fortune on inflation, found themselves under the threat of ruin. Prices completely went crazy, hunger and unemployment reigned everywhere. In October–December 1923, the country had 28.2 percent of the completely unemployed and 23.6 percent of the underemployed.
It is not surprising that riots broke out everywhere, especially in large cities and in the occupied territories. Left and right extremists immediately took advantage of the situation. The first opposed nationalism, militarism and fascism. “Proletarian centuries” appeared - paramilitary organizations, mainly in Central Germany and the Ruhr region. The Prussian Minister of the Interior, Social Democrat Severing, banned their activities throughout the country. Right-wing extremists have found a second wind. The German Freedom Party, founded in December 1922, absorbed Rossbach's Movement for a Greater Germany in February 1923, thus plugging the gap left in November 1922 by the ban of the National Socialist Party in Prussia, Baden, Saxony, Thuringia and Hamburg . On the day the French entered the Ruhr, Peter von Heydebreck founded the Werwolf (Werewolf), a group of young soldiers and war veterans. Like the Oberland League, he was engaged in the sports and moral education of his charges in the spirit volkishc– anti-capitalist, anti-parliamentary and nationalist. All these movements openly promoted hatred and rejected any idea of reconciliation between peoples. “Hatred is at the mother’s breast. Hate at school. Hate in the Church. Hatred in the barracks. Hatred in the hearts. Hatred in fists. The single, great, deep hatred of 75 million Germans.”
In the face of such difficulties, the will to resist fizzled out on its own. In August 1923, Cuno's cabinet was replaced by a joint cabinet under the leadership of Gustav Stresemann, a former National Liberal deputy and president of the DVP. The need for a government of “public salvation” arose, since the danger of secession of the Rhineland, the Palatinate and even Bavaria was added to the economic and financial troubles.
From an ardent nationalist, Stresemann turned into a reasonable socialist. He saw no other solution than to announce on September 26, 1923, the end of “passive resistance” and the entry into negotiations with France regarding reparations. In July 1924, a new treaty was concluded in London, ratifying the Dos Plan.
The financial disaster has reached its climax; the mark is no longer convertible. The Central Bank issued a new currency backed by gold, the Rentenmark.
Bavaria
Stresemann's rise to power and the measures taken by his government served as a far-right pretext for increasing unrest in Bavaria. The indignation of the Bavarians reached a paroxysm during the “capture of the Ruhr.” Excluding rural residents prone to “blue and white” politics (the colors of the land of Bavaria), the population - the petty and middle urban bourgeoisie, the broad masses - spoke out for pan-Germanism, racism and anti-Bolshevism. Separatist tendencies were also present, since Bavarian isolation had a long historical tradition. The most powerful party, the BVP (Bavarian People's Party), spun off from the Catholic Center, called for federalism; The royalists relied on Prince Supprecht of Wittelsbach, son of Louis III. Most Bavarian politicians considered themselves to be a “cell” of the German bourgeoisie, called upon to work for the revival of the Reich. As we have already had the opportunity to see, this land has become a refuge for all kinds of extremists and enemies of the republic. Among the abundance of patriotic, paramilitary and national activist (a term used with equal pleasure by both Ernst Röhm and Bavarian Committee President Manfred von Knilling) movements, the Association of Patriotic Organizations, the Oberland League and the Reich Banner deserve mention. At the persistent request of Rem, Hitler, after some hesitation, spoke out in favor of the creation of the Labor Association of Patriotic Military Associations, to which he dedicated a long speech on April 19. The objectives of the unification were to transform Bavaria into a center of German revival in the midst of the rotten “Marxist Reich”.
On September 2, the movements that formed the core of patriotic organizations formed the Battle League (Kampfbund), which subsequently came under the political leadership of Hitler and the military leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Hermann Kriebel. Along with these highly paramilitary organizations there was the League of Bavaria and the Reich, led by Dr. Pittinger. Professing separatism, she maintained close ties with the Austrians and the French, from whom she received financial assistance.
In such a situation, the Bavarian ruler von Lerchenfeld chose to evade the implementation of the law for the defense of the republic, adopted by the Reichstag in the summer of 1922 and providing for a ban on the activities of organizations hostile to republican institutions (as a result of which the Party was banned in Prussia and some other lands Nazis- this term first appeared at the same time). Tensions between Bavaria and the Reich eased slightly during the Cuno years, especially after Lerchenfeld was replaced by Killinger. Cuno even paid a visit to Bavaria, and one of his employees met with Hitler. In addition, the occupation of the Ruhr noticeably changed the overall situation. From now on, the question of confronting the “nationalist elements” was no longer on the agenda, especially since they enjoyed the support of the Bavarian chief of the Reichswehr, General von Lossow, with whom Hitler regularly saw.
At the end of 1922, Ludendorff moved to Bavaria, which significantly strengthened the position of anti-republican forces. The core of the counter-revolution formed around him. In turn, von Seeckt arrived in Munich to personally see that general mobilization was in full swing here under the guise of “spring training.” He fully approved of the measures taken by von Lossow in view of the strengthening of the Reichswehr, simultaneously giving advice not to succumb to anyone's influence. He looked into the water - if Hitler’s intentions were not at all to cede the first role to the military, he understood perfectly well that without the support of the army he would not be able to do anything, and subsequent events showed that the Fuhrer was not mistaken in this.
On August 16, State Secretary of the Reich Chancellery Hamm warned Stresemann that the formation of a government could meet with an unpredictable reaction in Bavaria:
“The vast majority of the Bavarian population sees the coalition not as progress, but as an obstacle to the creation of a vigorous national government composed of strong individuals and looking after their political and economic interests.
In addition, Hamm foresaw that the new Minister of the Interior, Social Democrat Sollmann, would not arouse sympathy, since the Bavarians were confident that he did not understand the historical nature of the German lands, the peasant-bourgeois character of Bavaria and its Christian orientation.”
Indeed, as soon as he took up his post, Sollmann compiled a lengthy report in which he listed the “sins” of the Munich government. He not only pointed out the failure to implement the law for the defense of the Republic, but also emphasized that the Bavarian government was striving with all its might to get out of the control of the Reich. As evidence, he cited a long list of demands that were ignored by Bavaria; reported on the continued activity of emergency tribunals (called people's tribunals), the existence of which was initially allowed only for the duration of the transition period. In addition, he accused the Bavarians of abusing paragraph 3 of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution, which gave the German states the right to take security measures independently in the event of an imminent threat. Finally, human rights are not respected in Bavaria, it has become a “sanctuary for political criminals”, clearly striving for autonomy, if not complete independence, thereby opposing itself to the Reich.
There was some truth in all this, as subsequent events proved: Hitler seized the political leadership of the Kampfbund and announced new meetings. It is not known exactly for what reason - out of fear of a putsch or because of the abandonment of passive resistance in the Ruhr - but on September 26 the Bavarian government declared a state of emergency, transferring executive power to von Kahr. The Reich responded by declaring a state of emergency throughout the country on September 27 and entrusting executive power to Defense Minister Gessler; in the event of a state crisis, the head of the military administration, General von Seeckt, had to take the fate of the Reich into his own hands. On the same day, the Volkischer Beobachter published an article entitled “The Stresemann-Seckt Dictatorship,” which stated that Frau von Seeckt was a Jewish convert. This was the first link in the chain of events that led to the crisis.
Hitler and the NSDAP
To everyone's surprise, the leader of the NSDAP refused to join the united front condemning the Franco-Belgian invasion of the Ruhr. On January 11, in front of a large crowd gathered at the Circus Krone, he declared that it was not the slogan “Down with France!” that should be supported, but the slogan “Down with the November criminals!” Since there are no weapons yet to fight with France, order must first be restored within the Reich. (Many commentators saw this statement as evidence of Hitler's Francophilia and as confirmation of rumors that he received money from France. Several months later, Hitler categorically denied these rumors.)
The refusal to support a united front was primarily dictated by Hitler's reluctance to consolidate with those whom he considered his worst enemies - the Marxists and the Jews, whom the republic served as the embodiment. On the other hand, the Association of Patriotic Organizations was a formation of a rather loose structure and without a clear political program - it was not a party, but a kind of alloy of nationalist groups lacking a single leadership.
Hitler, more than ever, needed to prove that the NSDAP was an independent force to be reckoned with. In November 1922, he announced that in Bavaria alone there were between 40 and 50 thousand members. The congress scheduled for November 27–28 was supposed to confirm its power.
For many months, rumors about an impending coup persisted. The Bavarian government, fearing that Hitler would use the upcoming congress to start it, banned any street demonstrations. Hitler was in danger of losing face in front of party members and members of the assault troops. General von Lossow helped him find the solution. Concerned about the unrest in Munich, he called his officers to discuss the state of affairs. Many of those invited, including General von Epp, were Hitler sympathizers. Therefore, he was also called to the meeting, and the leader of the NSDAP, in the presence of the chief of the Bavarian police, gave his word of honor that there would be no riots at the congress. Then Hitler, together with Rehm, went to the head of the government of Upper Bavaria, von Kahr, who promised him his support. After that, he visited the Munich police prefect Eduard Nortz three times and calmed him down in the same way. It was assumed that 12 meetings would take place, all indoors. An attempt to reduce their number to six failed due to organizational reasons. A solemn dedication of the banners took place on the Champ de Mars. Hitler made several speeches in which he ridiculed the government and all those who suspected him of preparing the putsch. The Nazis do not need a putsch, he said, they are already doing brilliantly.
While rejecting the idea of joining a united political front, Hitler did not at all refuse to have his assault troops undergo training in the Reichswehr barracks. He even went to Berlin to persuade representatives of other patriotic movements to send their people to the Reichswehr as part of a general mobilization against France, which took place under the guise of “spring exercises.” He agreed to surrender his weapons if the Reichswehr made such a demand. This happened on May 1, 1923.
In anticipation of the traditional leftist demonstrations, Hitler approached the Labor Union organizations with a proposal to prepare for this day. He hoped that the Bavarian government, fearing a possible putsch, would ban left-wing parties from celebrating Labor Day. The government did not succumb to the provocation and authorized the demonstration, limiting the procession to a certain area of the city. Therefore, the workers' demonstration took place without any incidents in Theresienwez. On the other hand, von Lossow ordered representatives of patriotic organizations to surrender their weapons.
Thus, despite Hitler's speech at the Krone Circus, this day ended in failure for him. Goering was indignant at von Lossow, who promised them his support and did not keep his word, but Hitler defended the general. It turned out that the day before he received a letter from Defense Minister Gessler, which stated that members of the Reichswehr do not have the right to take part in events held by political associations.
As a result of this, Rehm had to leave the Reich Banner, transferring his powers to Captain Seidel. In addition, he was threatened with a transfer to Bayreuth, which Rehm did not want, and he chose to retire.
Meanwhile, Hitler continued to give speeches in Munich and other cities, but with slightly less aplomb. Addressing his listeners, he emphasized that they should not look for a person who will save Germany, but rather forge the sword this person needs. He spent several days in Berchtesgaden, in the Moritz boarding house, from where he was pulled out, not without difficulty, and persuaded to return to Munich to take part in the march in memory of Albert Schlageter, who was executed by the French for sabotage on May 26. This man became a real hero of National Socialist propaganda, and even the Communists for some time used the “Sclageter Line”, playing on the national feelings of the Germans.
A new surge in Hitler's activity was caused by the fall of the Cuno cabinet and the creation of the Grand Coalition. In an interview published on August 20, 1923, he predicted the imminent collapse of the new government and called democracy a “bad joke.” A day later, he gave Kurt Ludeke a power of attorney, with which he went to Italy as an official representative of the NSDAP. That same evening, at the Circus Krone, where between eight and nine thousand people had gathered, Hitler made a long speech demanding the establishment of a dictatorship and furiously attacking Cuno and Stresemann. In his next speech, on September 6, he assured the audience that Germany was on the threshold of a second revolution. The question is not whether the Fuhrer said what Stresemann or Knilling would do in Munich, but “when will it start.” There is no choice: either Berlin will go to Munich, or Munich must go to Berlin. Bolshevik Germany in the north and nationalist Bavaria cannot live side by side. On September 12, he talked about the fall of the November Republic and the “mission” of the NSDAP, calling it the army of liberation of the new Germany.
After the publication of another article in the Volkischer Beobachter criticizing Stresemann and Seeckt, Gessler demanded that von Lossow close the newspaper. He tried to settle the matter peacefully, but not only did not succeed, but was also removed from his post.
The removal of von Lossow marked a break between Bavaria and the Reich. The Munich government decided to take command of the troops stationed on Bavarian soil. Soon, Reichswehr troops entered Leipzig, Meissen and Dresden. Eight days later, the social communist government of Saxony was overthrown. On October 22, a communist uprising broke out in Hamburg. In Koblenz, Treves, Wiesbaden and Bonn, the putschists seized several public buildings. The Socialists attempted, with the help of the French, to separate the Palatinate from Bavaria. Unrest began in East Prussia.
The political, military and police authorities of Bavaria, represented by the Kar-Lossow-Seisser triumvirate, saw three likely scenarios. The first, maximalist, was based on the creation of a directory in Berlin under the leadership of Seeckt; the intermediate involved supporting the right and the Reichswehr in order to suppress the uprisings of communists and separatists, and then the creation of a directory; the minimalist was to wait, maintaining Bavaria as a bastion of nationalism until the first scenario became possible. But Hitler recognized only the first option. On October 23, at a meeting of stormtrooper commanders, he spoke with utmost clarity: it is necessary to directly raise the German question, starting from Bavaria, to proclaim the creation of a liberation army and to hoist a black, white and red banner with a swastika over the Reichstag as a symbol of the struggle against everything that is not German. According to one piece of evidence, although not controversial, he supposedly on March 10, 1923, during a meeting with von Seeckt, when asked by the general how he would feel about the idea of inviting all officials and military personnel to take an oath of allegiance to the republic, he replied that he would personally hang all members government on the lanterns in front of the Reichstag, after which he will burn the building and take command of all the workers into his own hands. In this case, we have nothing more to talk about, the general allegedly answered him. In addition, in the fall, Hitler made it clear to Kahr that he could join him if he directed his forces not to fight the parties, but to fight Berlin. During the putsch, the Fuhrer once again confirmed that Bavaria for him was nothing more than a springboard for seizing power in the Reich government. And if Kar has not yet freed himself from doubts, he does not intend to hand over to him the instrument that he has been struggling to create for the last four years.
Kar really had his doubts, and the reason for his hesitation was the uncertainty about how von Seeckt would react to all this. Therefore, he decided to send Seisser to Berlin to be sure. Before leaving, Hitler came to him and warned him: if he did not bring a final answer from Berlin, he would consider himself free from any obligations and would take measures that he considered necessary. His people don't want to wait any longer.
Meanwhile, in Berlin the situation has changed. Frightened by communist and separatist protests, Stresemann decided to negotiate with Munich. However, the Social Democrats, dissatisfied with the Reichswehr's interference in the affairs of Saxony, were wary of Bavaria. In addition, they put pressure on Stresemann, who hoped to receive the support of the Americans and the British on the issue of reparations, so that he entered into negotiations with France, primarily on the Ruhr problem, and on November 1 they presented an ultimatum to the Chancellor. But the Reichswehr, which until recently shared their position on Bavaria, suddenly made a somersault and turned away from them: “If there were friction between Generals von Seeckt and von Lossow, from now on they should be considered a misunderstanding. Since November 1, von Seeckt’s views have completely coincided with those of the Bavarian leaders.”
The fate of the Grand Coalition was decided at a meeting on November 2, where Stresemann dissociated himself from the socialists. Gessler spoke out categorically against the “possible victory of the fascist movement,” calling it “a great misfortune for Germany.”
At a meeting with the chief of the Bavarian police, von Sect assured his interlocutor that he did not intend to repeat the sad experience of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 (Bavaria was then an ally of Austria-Hungary and suffered defeat along with it) and would not go together with the Reichswehr against Bavaria. As for the creation of a “national dictatorship, free from parliament and ready to take energetic measures against socialist rubbish,” which Seisser spoke about, the general assured that this was his goal, although it would be much more difficult to achieve its implementation in Berlin than in Munich, since you have to stick to legal paths.
In a letter to Kar, which he received only on November 5, the chief of military administration recalled their previous meeting, which left him with the impression of their “complete agreement on many fundamental issues.” Von Seeckt emphasized that he saw his duty as turning the Reichswehr into a means of supporting the power of the Reich, and not of any particular government. At first, he pointed out, he was nourished by faith in the possibility of turning Social Democracy to the benefit of the people's cause, but the latter did not live up to his hopes, refusing to accept the idea of rearmament of the country. The same applied to pacifist and internationalist movements. “Maintaining the unity of the Reich, the possibility of rearmament, a worthy foreign policy, support for state power” - these were, in his opinion, the main tasks.
Having become familiar with this information, the triumvirate again convened a meeting of patriotic organizations on November 6, inviting the Kampfbund, and addressed them with a warning: not to take any rash steps. Having spoken in favor of creating a directory, he suggested that everyone wait until November 11th.
Putsch
But Hitler and his entourage did not want to wait any longer. They decided to move on November 11 and developed a plan to bring the largest cities of Bavaria under their control, involving the capture of train stations, post offices, telegraphs, telephones and city halls. The question arose: why wait for November 11, and not speak on the 8th, on the fifth anniversary of the “criminal revolution”?
The details of the coup seem so incredible that they hardly deserve interest. If it were not for the human sacrifices, one could call it a comedy of errors, the plot of which is based on the principle “a thief stole a thief’s club.” Hitler and several of his henchmen burst into the hall where Kahr was making a speech. Hitler climbed onto a chair and, calling for silence, fired a pistol at the ceiling. Then he moved to the table. In his long coat, under which he wore a black jacket with an Iron Cross attached to it, he looked more like a waiter than a revolutionary. “The people’s revolution has begun,” he shouted in a hoarse voice. -You are surrounded. I have six hundred armed men. No one will leave the hall." He also threatened to install a machine gun on the second floor balcony. Indeed, Goering entered the hall with several armed stormtroopers. The Fuhrer declared the governments of Bavaria and the Reich overthrown and added that provisional governments would be formed. The Reichswehr and police barracks are occupied by his men, he said, and the soldiers, as well as the police, are marching under the swastika banner. Then he categorically invited von Kahr, von Lossow and von Seisser to move into the next room.
Accounts of what happened next differ in details, but agree on the main points. Hitler informed the triumvirate that the former police prefect Pohner had been appointed Minister-President of Bavaria with dictatorial powers; Kahr becomes regent of the Bavarian state, he himself takes over the leadership of the political department of the Reich, and Ludendorff takes command of the army. Von Lossow is appointed Minister of Defense, and von Seisser is appointed Chief of Police. On the contrary, there is no exact information as to whether Hitler threatened his interlocutors. According to some accounts, he allegedly stated: “I have four cartridges in my pistol; three for you, the last one for me.” During his trial, Hitler denied this accusation, saying that he had seven cartridges in his pistol, so he could not have said anything like that. Of course, his words do not prove anything. It also remains unclear whether Kar actually replied that he was not afraid of death, or whispered to his colleagues that they should pretend to accept the terms of the ultimatum. All this perfectly illustrates the vaudeville style of this, so to speak, coup d'état.
Meanwhile, Ludendorff soon appeared on the spot, for whom they had sent. He was not aware of the plans of the putschists, but took their side. Under similar pressure, the members of the triumvirate agreed to accept the posts offered to them, as was reported to the participants in the meeting.
Hitler's henchmen arrested members of the Bavarian government - Knilling, Schweier and Mantel. Rem and his men occupied the building of the military commandant's office. Members of the Oberland League were unable to capture the building of the infantry barracks; they had more luck with the engineering barracks. The school of infantry officers went over to Hitler's side.
The Fuhrer did not hide his joy: “Finally, I will do what I vowed to do five years ago, when, blind and crippled, I was lying in a military hospital: to mercilessly punish the November criminals and raise Germany from the ruins.” Much later, on November 9, 1936, in one of his speeches in Munich, he admitted that from 1919 to 1923 he could not think about anything other than a coup d'etat.
Since Rehm had some problems in the city, Hitler hastened to his aid. However, having returned to Bürgenbrau, he no longer found members of the triumvirate here, whom Ludendorff released, having taken von Lossow’s word of honor that they would not do anything against the “people's revolution.” He did not keep his word. Together with Seisser, he went straight to the city commandant, General von Danner. Confident that Hitler was bluffing, he called in the Reichswehr troops. Lossow, in turn, went to the infantry barracks, where he met with officers who did not want to submit to the putschists.
It is not known exactly at what time the triumvirate decided to “show their backs,” as Hitler put it at the trial. Since they accepted his proposals under obvious pressure, two explanations are possible. Von Lossow could have called Seeckt, to whom the cabinet, having learned about the putsch, had entrusted executive power, and he advised him to disassociate himself from the conspirators. The second hypothesis suggests that the triumvirate, having enlisted the support of officers of the Seventh Military District, independently decided to turn their weapons against Hitler. Many representatives of the Bavarian authorities called Berlin, and all of them received the same answer: to maintain order in the city and wait for orders from Berlin.
Be that as it may, at 2:55 a.m. a radio message was heard that von Kahr, General von Lossow and Colonel von Seisser strongly condemned Hitler's putsch. At about five in the morning, Lossow sent Lieutenant Colonel Leupold to Hitler with a message that the triumvirate was refusing to support him. At the trial, Hitler will say that he did not believe him, considering that pressure was put on von Lossow. Never in my life, he exclaimed, will I believe that these three betrayed me.
Hitler and Ludendorff, not having accurate information about what was happening until 11–12 o'clock the next morning, decided that they must act outside Munich and win over public opinion. There is an assumption that this decision was made by Ludendofr, who declared: “Let's go!” This did not have any special prospects, but at least it made it possible to give the idea a heroic character. Recalling the assurances of Lossow, who promised support provided that the probability of success was no less than 51 percent, Hitler spoke in the sense that a real strategist, even knowing that he was doomed to failure or his chances of victory did not exceed three percent, was still obliged to act. However, he had no doubt: neither the army nor the police would dare to shoot at Ludendorff.
And they performed. Hitler - in a raincoat and the usual velor hat - walked ahead, side by side with him were two standard bearers. They were followed by Ludendorff, Weber, Graf and Schneuber-Richter; columns of the Fuhrer's personal guard (the core of the future SS), the Munich assault squad, members of the Oberland League, cadets of the infantry school and members of the NSDAP. They were greeted at Marienplatz by an enthusiastic crowd. They reached Feldernhalle, and here they had to stop in front of a triple police cordon.
Suddenly a rifle shot was heard, followed by a volley. The marchers closed their ranks. Schneuber-Richter, mortally wounded, fell, dragging Hitler with him.
The Count tried to cover him with his body. Ludendorff also fell. Goering received a wound in the thigh. Hitler, who had dislocated his leg in a fall, managed to crawl to his old car, abandoned nearby, which contained a supply of dressings. He was given first aid and, not without incident, transported to a villa in the outskirts of the city, in Uffing. He made a pitiful impression - a broken man, on the verge of suicide. Here he was arrested and transported to Landsberg, placed in cell number seven, previously occupied by the killer of Kurt Eisner. He no longer felt like a Wagnerian hero; on the contrary, reading the newspapers, he realized how absurd and ridiculous he was. Journalists unanimously called him a traitor who did not keep his word. He refused food and was severely depressed.
The putsch cost the lives of 16 of his comrades. They were subsequently elevated to the rank of martyrs, and a solemn march along the Feldernhalle was held annually in their honor on November 9th. In addition, Hitler dedicated the first volume of Mein Kampf to them. Many others were arrested, some managed to escape, including Goering - seriously wounded, he took refuge in Austria. Drexler, the leader of the Sudeten Nazis Knirsch and Frau Bechstein, the wife of the famous piano manufacturer and his passionate admirer, tried to bring the head of the NSDAP out of the lethargy into which he had plunged, but in the end it was Deputy Prosecutor General Hans Ehard who managed to break the ice of his silence. His sister Angelica and his friend Winifred Wagner came to visit him and brought him gifts. Little by little, Hitler came to his senses and regained the ability to read and think. Soon he came to the conclusion that Providence saved him. History repeated itself: Frederick the Great was saved by the death of Queen Elizabeth, himself and Germany by the death of Lenin. The Soviet Union and communism are doomed to death.
The line of defense he chose shows how closely he linked his own destiny with that of Germany. Betrayed in 1918, she again became a victim of treason. If the triumvirate had not deceived him, if they had marched on Berlin, the whole country would have joined them and driven out the November criminals. As during political speeches, Hitler managed to win over not only the public, but also the judges, who listened to him with increasing condescension. On April 1, the day the verdict was pronounced, in the hall, full of bouquets brought by women, there was literally nowhere for an apple to fall. Ludendorff was acquitted, Hitler was sentenced to five years in prison, from which six months of pre-trial detention were subtracted. For a brief moment he fell into despair again, but quickly pulled himself together and began working on Mein Kampf.
Five years of political study have ended. Hitler no longer wanted to be anyone's mouthpiece. The role of “drummer of the revolution” no longer suited him - he wanted to become its political leader. He was convinced that he would become the dictator Germany needed to end Marxism. He is created for politics, like a bird is for flight. Until now, he had thought that he was using Bavaria as a springboard to liberate the Reich from a lawless government. From now on, the Fuhrer was convinced that a revolution in one single land would not help. To gain power over Germany, it is necessary to act using legal methods. He will use the system itself to destroy the system.
The year 1923 and the experience of the putsch showed what united and what divided right-wing conservatives and right-wing radicals. Conservatives were waiting for an opportune moment to put pressure on the legitimate government and replace it with dictatorship, but did not want to act by violent means. As for Hitler, he expected to start with action, bloody if necessary, in the hope that the rest would happen by itself. But both of them dreamed of the revival of Germany.
It is also worth mentioning that the tactics used by Hitler in 1923 were subsequently used more than once by the leader of the Third Reich. So, he scheduled the start of the coup on a day off, when all administrative institutions were closed. He learned many lessons from the putsch: for example, he learned that one cannot rely on improvisation. The events of 1923 revealed a number of Hitler's traits that later became clearly evident, including his uneven character: outbursts of anger alternated with moments of deep despair - a sign of cyclothymia. During the trial, he either tried to pity the judges, or was rude to them - in the future he will show himself as a person who is easily susceptible to tearfulness, but will not stop at any crime (he has already managed to speak out in the sense that all means are good for him).
The Munich period proves that Hitler, by and large, did not care what legal form the state would take (of course, excluding parliamentary democracy), as long as it was headed by a person endowed with unlimited powers. In his opinion, both the party and the state are instruments designed to “organically” change depending on circumstances.
What distinguished Hitler from his opponents and temporary allies was his political program, as well as his vision of the world. During the years 1919–1924, he gained significant experience, but his political convictions, which were generally formed, on some points still had to undergo some changes.
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Hitler in 1923.
Photo from the book: The 20th century a chronicle in pictures. New York. 1989.
"Beer Hall Putsch" 1923. Attempted coup d'état by Hitler and his supporters on November 8-9, 1923 in Munich.
On the evening of November 8, about 3,000 people gathered at the Bürgerbraukeller, a huge beer hall in Munich, to listen to a speech by Gustav von Kahr, a member of the Bavarian government. Along with him on the podium were local senior officials - General Otto von Lossow, commander of the Bavarian armed forces, and Colonel Hans von Scheisser, chief of the Bavarian police. While Kar was speaking to the crowd, about 600 stormtroopers quietly surrounded the hall. Members SA They installed machine guns on the street, aiming them at the entrance doors. Nazi leader Adolf Hitler, surrounded by his supporters, quickly ran in the darkness between the tables, jumped onto a chair, fired at the ceiling and shouted in the ensuing silence: “The national revolution has begun!” He then addressed the astonished audience: “There are 600 armed men in the hall. No one is allowed to leave. The Bavarian and Berlin governments are henceforth overthrown. A new government will now be formed. The Reichswehr and police barracks have been captured. Everyone must rise again to fight under the swastika banner !" Turning to the podium, Hitler rudely ordered von Kahr, von Lossow and von Scheisser to follow him into the next room. Here he declared them arrested and said that he and the general Erich Ludendorff , a war hero, forms a new government. Still excited, but already beginning to come to their senses, members of the Bavarian government attacked Hitler with abuse, demanding to know what he meant by all this nonsense. Hitler, enraged, rushed back into the hall and shouted to the murmuring crowd: “Either tomorrow you recognize the national government of Germany, or it recognizes you as dead!”
Puzzled by this performance, the crowd waited to see what would happen next. At this moment, accompanied by a storm of applause, General Ludendorff, well known to everyone present, appeared on the stage. He immediately accused Hitler of allowing himself to start a coup without discussing anything with him in advance. Feeling the enthusiasm of the public, Hitler ignored his words and, turning to the audience, declared his victory: “Finally the time has come to fulfill the oath I made five years ago, when I was lying wounded in a military hospital.”
Everything that was happening was perceived by many as a comedy performance being played out before their eyes. Members of the Bavarian government managed to leave the hall unnoticed in the confusion. When the incident in Munich became known in Berlin, the commander of the Reichswehr, General Hans von Seeckt, declared that if the local authorities were unable to do anything, he would suppress the rebellion himself.
By morning it became clear to Hitler that the putsch, which was not supported by anyone, had failed. But Ludendorff decided that it was now too late to retreat. At 11 a.m., the assembled Nazis, waving swastika banners and military standards, marched in a column toward the city center at Marienplatz. At the head of the column were Hitler, Ludendorff, Goering and Julius Streicher. At first, a few police patrols allowed the column to pass, but when the demonstrators reached the Odeonplatz near Feldherrnhalle, their path was blocked by reinforced police units armed with carbines. Three thousand Nazis were opposed by about 100 policemen. Hitler called on the police to surrender. In response, shots rang out. A moment later, 16 Nazis and 3 policemen fell dead on the pavement, many were wounded. Goering fell with a shot in the hip. Hitler, who gained experience as an orderly during World War I, immediately reacted and lay down on the pavement at the very first salvos. The comrades who surrounded him pushed their Fuhrer into a nearby car and took him to a safe place. Meanwhile, Ludendorff, who had not bowed his head, moved through the ranks of the police, who made way for him out of respect for the famous war veteran.
Although the Beer Hall Putsch failed, and some of its participants appeared as defendants at the Munich Trial, it still achieved certain political results. In a matter of hours, the little-known Hitler movement, which was not endowed with significance by anyone, which became the property of the front pages of newspapers, became known not only throughout Germany, but throughout the world. In addition, Hitler learned an important lesson: overt action is not the best way to achieve political power. To win a serious victory, it is necessary to win over broad sections of the population and enlist the support of as many financial and industrial magnates as possible. Only in this way could one secure one’s way to political Olympus using legal methods.
Material used from the Encyclopedia of the Third Reich - www.fact400.ru/mif/reich/titul.htm
Read further:
Germany in the 20th century(chronological table).
Hitler Adolf(Hitler) (1889-1945).
Ludendorff Erich(Ludendorff) (1865-1937), German military and political figure.
SA(Sturmabteilung; SA), Storm troops, 1921
I remember my first impression from the description of this historical event: the “national revolution” was carried out... in a pub. There is something comical in this... Our people come to the pub to drink beer, and not to start an uprising. There appears to be some inappropriate use of the premises. As a matter of fact, the whole revolution boiled down to the fact that one official of the Bavarian government was detained in the beer hall and stormtroopers installed machine guns on the street, aiming them at the entrance doors. And again, inappropriate use is visible... After all, entrance doors are needed to enter them, and not to point machine guns at them.
Germany Germany
Prerequisites [ | ]
The beginning of the coup [ | ]
Von Kahr, von Lossow and von Seiser were locked in one of the rooms. Hitler with a pistol persuaded them to take positions in the new government, but to no avail. Meanwhile, Scheubner-Richter delivered General Ludendorff, a hero of the First World War, who had previously known nothing about the putsch but supported Hitler, to the beer hall. After Ludendorff's arrival, von Kahr, von Lossow and von Seiser announced that they were joining the campaign against Berlin. Hitler proclaimed von Kahr regent of Bavaria and announced that on the same day a new German government would be formed in Munich, which would remove President Friedrich Ebert from power. Hitler immediately appointed Ludendorff as Commander-in-Chief of the German Army (Reichswehr) and himself as Imperial Chancellor. At approximately 10:30 p.m., Hitler emerged from the beer hall to calm a skirmish between the stormtroopers and the regulars.
Lossow asked to go outside, giving Ludendorff his “honest officer’s word” that he needed to give orders at headquarters, Kahr and Seiser also left the pub. Kahr moved the government to Regensburg and issued a proclamation in which he renounced all statements made “at gunpoint” and announced the dissolution of the NSDAP and the storm troopers. By this time, stormtroopers under the command of Röhm had occupied the headquarters of the ground forces at the War Ministry, but at night the building was besieged by regular troops loyal to the government.
In this situation, Ludendorff invited Hitler to occupy the city center, hoping that his authority would help lure the army and police to the Nazi side.
March through Munich [ | ]
At 11 a.m. on November 9, the assembled Nazis marched in a column under swastika banners and military standards toward the city center at Marienplatz, hoping to lift the siege on the War Office. At the head of the column were Hitler, Ludendorff and Goering, and there were also several hostages among the marchers. At Marienplatz, the Nazis were joined by Julius Streicher, who learned about the putsch and came from Nuremberg.
At first, a few police patrols allowed the column to pass, but when the demonstrators reached Odeonsplatz near the Feldherrnhalle and the Ministry of Defense, their path was blocked by reinforced police units armed with carbines. Three thousand Nazis were opposed by about 100 police officers. Hitler called on the police to surrender, but was refused, after which shots were fired (there is conflicting information about who started shooting first). In the shootout, 16 Nazis were killed, including Scheubner-Richter, and 3 policemen, many were wounded, including Goering (in the thigh or groin area). Hitler and other putschists rushed onto the pavement and then tried to escape. Ludendorff remained standing on Odeonsplatz and was arrested. Two hours later, Röhm surrendered.
A direct witness to those events, and... O. The US Consul General in Munich at the time, Robert Murphy, wrote in his memoirs: “When the shooting began... both Ludendorff and Hitler behaved exactly the same, as befits two battle-hardened soldiers. Both simultaneously threw themselves flat on the ground to avoid the hail of bullets that rained down on them. At the same time, Ludendorff’s bodyguard, who marched next to him, was killed on the spot, like many of Hitler’s associates.”
- Alfart Felix, merchant, b. July 5, 1901
- Bauridl Andrey, hat maker, b. May 4, 1879
- Casella Theodore, bank employee, b. Aug 8 1900
- Ehrlich Wilhelm, bank employee, b. 27 Jan 1901
- Faust Martin, bank employee, b. Aug 19 1894
- Rechenberger Anton, mechanic, b. 28 this. 1902
- Kerner Oscar, merchant, b. 4 Jan 1875
- Kuhn Karl, chief waiter, b. July 27, 1897
- Laforce Karl, student, b. Oct 28 1904
- Neubauer Kurtz, minister, b. March 27, 1899
- Pape Klyaus, merchant, b. Aug 16 1904
- Pforten Theodor, judge, b. May 14, 1873
- Rickmers Johann, military man, b. May 7, 1881
- Scheibner-Richter Erwin, engineer, b. 9 Jan 1884
- Stronsky Lorenz, engineer, b. March 14, 1899
- Wolf Wilhelm, merchant, b. Oct 19 1898
Consequences [ | ]
Having not received support either among the population or among the military (which Hitler especially counted on due to the sympathies of a prominent military man, General Ludendorff, for the NSDAP), the putsch was thus suppressed. Within a few days after the suppression of the coup, all its leaders were arrested, except
In 1923, Germany was in dire economic straits. More and more often, the internal government policies implemented by the Social Democrats, led by President Friedrich Ebert, were criticized both by the communists and by the right-wing forces. First of all, this state of affairs arose due to the occupation by France of the industrial region of Germany - the Ruhrlands, and due to the reluctance of the German government to pay reparations. Despite the fact that the authorities called on residents to fully resist the French, in the end they agreed to the demands they put forward. Also, the German government, formed from representatives of the Social Democratic Party, could not cope with the growing level of inflation. This subsequently served as the reason for numerous strikes and demonstrations, as well as an attempted coup, which became known worldwide as “Beer Hall Putsch.” In Russia, it is customary to use the term “Beer Hall Putsch,” although “Beer Hall Putsch” would be more correct. In some sources, the events that took place in Munich in November 1923 were called Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch (Hitler-Ludendorff Putsch). It was from this moment that the National Socialist Party, led by Adolf Hitler, began its path to political supremacy in Germany.
Erich Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorff Colonel General of the German Army who developed the theory of “total war” (the concept of mobilizing all the resources of a nation for victory). He became famous after the victory at Tannenberg (“Operation Hindenburg”). From mid-1916 until the end of the war, he actually commanded the entire German army.
In 1923, dissatisfied with the current state of affairs, the National Socialists joined forces with the Bavarian authorities, who were represented by conservative separatists. The purpose of such an alliance was to overthrow the regime that the Social Democrats had established throughout Germany. At that time, Hitler was literally inspired by the events in Italy, when the fascists led by Mussolini in 1922 managed to actually seize power as a result of the March on Rome.
The March on Rome took place from October 27 to 30, 1922 in the Kingdom of Italy. During its course, there was a violent change in the leadership of the country, which created the preconditions for the seizure of power in 1924 by the National Fascist Party of Benito Mussolini.
However, the two political forces set themselves completely different goals. Separatist conservatives sought the proclamation of Bavaria as an independent state, in which it was planned to restore the monarchical rule of the Wittelsbachs. Hitler, on the contrary, after the overthrow of his opponents, sought to create a strong, unified state with a powerful core of central power. Bavarian Commissioner Gustav von Kar, the leader of conservative separatists, who has practically unlimited power on his territory, did not comply with the demands of Berlin, which called for the arrest of the leaders of the National Socialist movement and the closure of the printed publication Völkischer Beobachter (“People's Observer”), which has been a militant publication since 1921 organ of the National Socialist German Workers' Party. The official authorities of the Weimar Republic decided to destroy at the root all attempts of the National Socialist Party to seize power in Germany, eliminating at the same time both the leadership and the mouthpiece of the Nazis, who were already armed at that time. But, after von Kara’s refusal to comply with the demands of the authorities, the German General Staff, and in particular the commander of the Reichswehr ground forces, and in fact the commander in chief, Hans von Seeckt, showed his firm position regarding the suppression of the rebellion by the forces of the Army of the Republic if the Bavarian government is unable to do this on one's own. After such an unequivocal statement, the political leadership of Bavaria informed Hitler that it had neither the opportunity nor the desire to openly oppose the Republican government. But Adolf Hitler was not going to give up his plans; he decided to force the Bavarian elite to oppose the Social Democrats in Berlin.
Gustav von Kar led the government of Bavaria from 1917 to 1924. Later he served as President of the Bavarian Supreme Court. Being an ardent monarchist, he advocated for the autonomy of Bavaria and the decentralization of power. He headed a number of monarchist groups.
On the evening of November 8, 1923, about three thousand people gathered in the Bürgerbräukeller beer hall in Munich to listen to the speech of Bavarian Commissioner Gustav von Kahr. Along with him in the hall were other representatives of the authorities: General Otto von Lossow, commander of the Bavarian armed forces, and Colonel Hans von Seisser, chief of the Bavarian police. During a speech by representatives of the local government, six hundred National Socialist stormtroopers quietly surrounded the building that von Kahr had chosen for his address to the people. Machine guns were placed on the street, aimed at the entrances and exits of the beer hall. Standing in the doorway of the building at that moment was Adolf Hitler, holding a mug of beer in his raised hand. At approximately nine o'clock in the evening, the future Fuhrer smashed his mug on the floor and, at the head of a detachment of armed comrades, rushed between the seats to the center of the room, where, jumping on the table, fired a pistol at the ceiling and proclaimed to the audience: “The national revolution has begun!” After this, Hitler informed the present residents of Munich that the government of Bavaria and the Republic were now considered overthrown, the barracks of the armed forces and the state police had been captured, and Reichswehr soldiers and police were already marching under National Socialist banners with swastikas. Hitler also did not forget to mention that the hall was surrounded by six hundred militants who were armed to the teeth. No one has the right to leave the Bürgerbräukeller, and if the crowd does not calm down, a machine gun will be installed in the gallery.
The chief of police and the commander-in-chief, along with von Kahr, were locked in rooms where Hitler, under threat of physical harm, tried to force them to march on Berlin. At this time, Colonel General Eric Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorff, a hero of the First World War, entered the beer hall, accompanied by one of the founders of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, Scheubner-Richter. Until the last moment, Ludendorff knew nothing about Adolf Hitler’s plans, which he expressed in front of everyone with the deepest bewilderment. However, Hitler, who was in the hall at that moment, did not pay any attention to the military man’s words and again turned to the Bavarians sitting in the hall. It was announced that a new government would be formed in Munich, Colonel General Eric Ludendorff was immediately appointed commander-in-chief, and Hitler himself modestly proclaimed himself imperial chancellor. The increasingly dissipated leader of the National Socialists demanded that the swastika be recognized today, otherwise he promised death to those sitting in the hall the next day.
At this time, von Seisser, von Kahr and von Lossow confirmed their participation in the action against the Social Democratic government in Berlin. At about 10:00 p.m., Hitler went out into the street to try to resolve the conflict that had arisen between the government army and police units that had gathered together with Hitler’s troops. At this time, stormtroopers under the command of Röhm captured the headquarters of the ground forces, but were surrounded by units of the regular army, which remained loyal to the German government. At this moment, Otto von Lossow told Ludendorff that he needed to go to headquarters to make the appropriate orders, while giving “the word of a Wehrmacht officer.” Both Gustav von Kahr and Hans von Seisser managed to leave the Bürgerbräukeller under various pretexts. After this, the Commissioner of Bavaria immediately ordered the government to be transferred to Regensburg, and the National Socialist German Workers' Party and Hitler's Assault Troops (SA) to be disbanded and outlawed. Gustav von Kahr himself renounced his statements made in a Munich beer hall and declared them forced, drawn out at gunpoint.
Odeonsplatz (Feldherrnhalle) 9.11.1923
Hitler understood perfectly well that the attempt to seize power, which was left without any support from the Bavarian authorities, was a fiasco. In such a situation, the failed commander-in-chief Ludendorff proposed to the leader of the National Socialists to capture the center of Munich. The hero of the First World War hoped that, under the influence of his well-deserved authority, the army and police would nevertheless go over to the side of the rebels. And the next day, November 9, at 11:00, a column of National Socialists under banners with a swastika moved towards Mary Square (Marienplatz). The publisher of the anti-Semitic newspaper Der Stümer, Julius Streicher, came from Nuremberg when he learned about the performance of the National Socialist German Workers' Party and joined the march directly on Maria Square. He further wrote that at the beginning of the procession, police patrols did not interfere with the movement of the columns. But when people under the banner of Hitler’s party approached the headquarters of the ground forces, which they wanted to recapture from the government, they were blocked by an armed detachment of police of about a hundred people. Adolf Hitler tried to force the police to fold, but received only a refusal in response. A few moments later shots rang out. It is not known for certain who shot first - either the attack aircraft or the police. A skirmish began in which a detachment of Adolf Hitler's militants, six times larger than a handful of police officers, was completely defeated. Sixteen National Socialists were killed, including one of the closest associates of the former corporal Scheubner-Richter. Goering was hit in the thigh by a bullet. On the opposite side, the losses were only three people. Many of the police were wounded in that clash.
Witnesses of those events say that when the shots rang out, Ludendorff and Hitler, who had gained experience in the battles of the First World War, fell to the ground to escape the bullets. Subsequently, the leader of the National Socialist Party tried to escape, his comrades pushed him into a car and drove away. Ludendorff moved towards the ranks of police, who parted as a sign of deep respect for the famous general. Remembering these events much later, Eric Ludendorff called Hitler a coward.
Soldiers of the Ryoma detachment who captured the building of the War Ministry. Standard Bearer - Himmler
Over time, many participants in the coup were arrested and received various prison sentences. However, the punishment for the conspirators turned out to be very mild. For example, Hitler, as the organizer of an armed rebellion and an attempt to seize power in the Weimar Republic, received only five years in prison. Hess and Goering fled to neighboring Austria. Hess later returned to Germany and was arrested and convicted. In prison, prisoners sentenced in the case of rebellion were treated very loyally: they were allowed to gather at the table and discuss political issues. Hitler, while behind bars in Landsberg, managed to write most of his work Mein Kampf, in which he outlined the basic principles and ideas of the National Socialist movement.
One of the banners under which the stormtroopers marched later became sacred to the Nazis, since, according to legend, it was stained with the blood of members of the National Socialist German Workers' Party killed on November 9, 1923. Later, during the ritual of consecrating the banners, the bloody banner was used by Hitler for ideological propaganda. And honors to the fallen comrades and the celebration of the day of the “Beer Hall Putsch” were held in Germany every year, starting from the moment his party came to power and ending in 1945.
Ludendorff was also arrested, but the court acquitted him. The colonel general became a deputy in the German parliament, representing the National Socialist Party. He also participated in the German presidential elections, but lost, gaining only one percent of the votes. Later, having become completely disillusioned with the ideology of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, including Adolf Hitler, he went into religion, leaving politics. Hitler did not forget his comrade-in-arms and even invited him to take the post of field marshal of the armed forces of the Third Reich, but was refused with the words: “They don’t become field marshals, they are born.” After his death, the respected military leader was buried with due honors. Gustav von Kahr was killed during the Night of the Long Knives (Operation Hummingbird) on the personal orders of Adolf Hitler.
During the Beer Hall Putsch, no goals were achieved. Although the nationalists did receive certain political dividends. The party and their movement, which almost no one had heard of in Germany before November 1923, became known everywhere. And the number of supporters of Adolf Hitler’s ideas began to grow rapidly. In addition, the future Fuhrer concluded that power cannot be gained by force or through an armed rebellion. First, you need to win broad support from society, and first of all from people with large capital...